Syrian priorities and lessons from political transition

Syrians fear that political debates will undermine the achievement of toppling the Assad regime after 54 years of rule. Most of them are evading difficult political obligations to focus on the priority of rebuilding the country, which has been destroyed by 14 years of the regime’s continuous war against the people. For many, the priority seems clear: rebuilding the infrastructure, providing basic services, ensuring livelihoods for millions, and allowing displaced people to return.

However, focusing on physical reconstruction alone will not build a stable state, without sincere and deep engagement in a political reform that ensures a comprehensive restructuring of power structures and the establishment of solid foundations for governance.
The lessons of post-World War II, Germany and Japan, are relevant in this context, where moderate and modern systems of government were established, combining reconstruction with comprehensive political transformation, leading to lasting peace and sustained prosperity.

Syria, with its sectarian and ethnic diversity, faces similar challenges that can only be exacerbated by an ideological Islamist government. While Ahmad al-Sharaa’s last speeches were a major political surprise (given the history of Jabhat al-Nusra, which he led in his previous capacity as Abu Muhammad al-Julani), the sooner he moves away from a model of governance based on a single ideological identity, the more he will chase away the divisions that have torn the country apart and ensure a broader political representation that prevents exclusion and frustration.

The other surprising aspect is the sudden Syrian administration’s comprehension of its need for the international community, as a partner in the transitional phase. However, this partnership cannot be limited to a relationship whose only title is the economic and political support, for the decision to lift sanctions, without ensuring the building of local governance capacities.

Dismantling regime institutions, without clear and appropriate alternatives - as happened in Iraq - or excessive reliance on foreign aid, without enhancing local legitimacy and competence - as in Afghanistan - led to further destabilization in both countries, and hindered their general recovery.

Syria cannot afford to repeat these mistakes. What Syria needs now is clear criteria for reconfiguring power, to produce institutions led by Syrians with the broadest possible representation and, in a much shorter period than the new administration proposes, to write a constitution and hold elections.

Syrians who have provided remarkable economic success stories in displacement communities have the right to enjoy economic recovery in their own country after getting rid of the Assad regime. However, the door to sustainability in this area remains inherently linked to political stability and the ability to attract Syrian and foreign investors. It is true that political reform is a long-term project, and that immediate priorities revolve around providing food, shelter, and healthcare. However, political reform and physical reconstruction are not contradictory, except for those who want to make their imaginary contradiction a door to obstruct political reforms and postpone elections to a more appropriate moment.