Nearly two years after the fall of Bashar al-Assad's regime, Syria has begun taking its first steps on a long and complex path to holding those responsible for the abuses committed during the years of the civil war. The death sentences issued in absentia against Assad and several of his top officials carry significant political and legal weight, but they also raise difficult questions about the effectiveness of unenforceable sentences, the limits of justice, and the new state's ability to address a legacy which covers more than five decades.
A Syrian court convicted Assad on charges including premeditated murder, torture, and deprivation of liberty, classifying these acts as war crimes and crimes against humanity. Many Syrians welcomed the verdict, seeing it as an official acknowledgment of the suffering they endured.
But the verdict remains largely symbolic for now, as Bashar al-Assad lives in Russia, where he sought refuge after the collapse of his regime in late 2014. Observers believe his extradition to Syrian authorities is unlikely due to his long-standing relationship with Moscow, as well as legal obstacles related to the death penalty. Furthermore, a number of former high-ranking officials have left the country or are hiding in unknown locations, making it difficult to enforce the sentences against them.
The new Syrian government announced the formation of a committee to cooperate with Interpol, with the aim of pursuing and extraditing wanted individuals from abroad. However, the success of this step depends on the cooperation of the countries where the accused reside, and on Damascus's ability to provide guarantees that comply with international law and fair trial standards.
For the victims, justice is not simply about convicting the former regime leader or a limited number of his associates. The years of war left behind a vast network of responsibilities, starting with those in power and extending to the investigators, prison guards, and informants who wrote reports that led to the arrest of individuals and their transfer to detention centers, known for torture, murder, and the mass killing of entire families.
The figures reveal the scale of the task ahead. According to Syrian human rights organizations, more than 234,000 civilians were killed during the war, including over 202,000 at the hands of the former regime and its allies. Nearly 181,000 cases of arbitrary arrest or enforced disappearance were recorded, along with more than 45,000 deaths due to torture, in addition to 217 documented chemical attacks attributed to the former regime. But human rights activists believe the true toll of these criminal acts is much higher.
Justice does not mean criminal trials alone; it also includes finding the fate of the missing, investigating violations, compensating victims, reforming judicial and security institutions, and preventing the recurrence of crimes. Observers emphasize the need to place victims at the heart of this process, not only as witnesses but also as partners in setting priorities, mechanisms for reparations, and preserving memory.
The Syrian authorities have already established two committees to address this issue: one for the missing persons, which launched a platform allowing families to submit information, and another for real justice. However, the work of the second committee has thus far been limited to crimes committed by the former regime, without explicitly addressing violations committed by armed factions, extremist groups, or any other party involved in the conflict.
The death penalty is also a source of controversy among Syrians. While some victims consider it a just punishment commensurate with the severity of their crimes, human rights advocates reject it in principle, calling for public and independent trials that result in legally enforceable sentences.
Another challenge is protecting witnesses and survivors. Testifying may force them to relive moments of fear and loss, and therefore they need psychological, legal, and security support. Their suffering should not be exploited for political or media gain; rather, it should be met with official recognition, appropriate compensation, and guarantees of their voluntary participation.
This process also requires time, resources, and independent judicial expertise, as millions of documents, survivor testimonies, and mass graves demand meticulous work that cannot be rushed. Its success also hinges on the authorities' ability to gain public trust and ensure that the trials are not used for revenge or settling political scores, regardless of public pressure or the intensity of calls for revenge.
The trial of Assad remains a symbolic step, as it ended an era in which impunity seemed to be the norm. But it is only a beginning. True justice will be measured by Syria's ability to locate the missing families, open its archives, protect evidence, hold those responsible on all sides accountable, and reform the institutions that allowed the abuses to occur. Without this, the verdict will remain an impressive headline in a case that has yet to be fully opened.